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An examination of the symbiotic relationship that exist between chinese and american cinemas

The author wishes to thank Maria Paz Berger and Liliana Galvis for valuable research and editorial assistance. Abstract The paper addresses the issue of whether - in line with the Chinese economic approximation to Latin America during the last decade - the region has experienced political changes in terms of countries' foreign policies, shifting their traditional alignment with the positions of the regional hegemon, the United States.

Given this general focus, the research project focuses on evaluating a specific issue of global governance: Here I find a marked difference between the Chinese and the US position, constituting two opposing poles between which Latin American countries must operate. I consider the cases of two countries, Brazil and Chile, in terms of their discursive location between China and the United States on global climate change policy.

I was able to identify discursive changes throughout the decade that suggest a political alignment of the two Latin American countries with China.

The Chinese Economic Factor At present, the role of China in Latin America has been regarded as a pendulum between two widespread perceptions: Given this situation, researchers have come up with a diverse set of empirical studies and policy debates in order to identify the role played by China in the region during the last decade.

The "rise of the periphery" includes several Latin American countries, with some of them, Brazil in particular, already being or bound to be major actors at the international level. In addition, a renewed effort at regional integration is made in Latin America, including, inter alia, working jointly towards the construction of "economic safety nets" by way of interstate letters of understanding on the reduction of commercial barriers and joined free trade agreement negotiations Kellogg, 2007; Bulmer-Thomas, 2001.

There seems to be a widespread consensus in the extant literature that an economic perspective is all that is needed to understand current China-Latin American relations. The relevant debate largely takes place in terms of the positive or negative effects of the trade and investment dimensions of the relationship.

Many observers seem to adopt a perspective in which the political impact of China's presence in Latin America is only regarded as a collateral effect or as a by-product of economic interests. However, such a perspective neglects or at least downplays a large number of "gray areas" of the Asian giant's presence in Latin America.

With some expectations, e. With this research I seek to complement the dominating economic lenses with a genuine political dimension, thus at least partially overcoming a notable gap in the literature. I want to situate the discussion of contemporary Chinese-Latin American relations in the overall geopolitical context of the global leadership contest between China and the United States in the 21st century.

As such, China's increased presence in Latin America would just be another theatre for the aspiring hegemon's ambition to remake the world according to its own image and geopolitical interests Halper, 2010. Or, as Joseph Nye's emphasis on "soft or smart power" would have it Nye, 2004, 2011China advertises its achievements in terms of economic growth and poverty reduction as a blueprint for other developing countries to follow the same approach.

This strategy has reached a point where China has publically offered assistance and guidance to developing countries looking to emulate its economic model Kurlantzick, 2007, p. This search for autonomy from the United States on part of many, though not all Latin American countries provides room for speculation and an interesting opening for political research as to whether China, as the main US competitor at the international level, might become the "new best friend" of the region in order to distance itself from its traditional status as the United States' backyard.

Following this line of reasoning, it is worthwhile to consider the increasing Sino-Latin American economic exchange with the recent downturn experienced by the U. As the political and economic ties between the region and its traditional hegemon weaken an examination of the symbiotic relationship that exist between chinese and american cinemas the global leadership contest between China and the U.

Global governance is understood as the sum of regulations or rules, set to organize global human societies, emphasizing the role played by formal political institutions in coordinating and controlling interdependent social relationships, as well as their ability to enforce the agreements in an environment that lacks a global political authority, such as the international system Rosenau, 1999.

Along these lines, the critical issue refers to cooperative arrangements for problem-solving Riazati, 2006or frameworks that imply a global scope and effect, with no visible authority and thus requiring a set of regulations and institutions that meet the proposed goal. Examples of such issues are nuclear proliferation, regulation of international financial markets, illegal drug trade, or human rights protection. In this scope, this research aims to transcend the purely region-to-region or state-to-state level of analysis by focusing on the question whether a closer economic relationship between China and Latin America affects the latter's perspective on global and regional governance issues.

In other words, given the wiggle room granted by the relative retreat of the U. I do not pretend to establish a causal relationship by which deeper commercial and investment exchanges in and of themselves are responsible for changing foreign policy positions in Latin America.

Rather I examine how these closer relations make discursive and subsequent policy shifts on specific issues of global governance possible, thus following a constitutive logic of explanation Wendt, 1998. This paper employed discourse analysis in order to trace their positions along the two poles represented by the United States and China, respectively.

  • In Environmental Politics 19;
  • As the political and economic ties between the region and its traditional hegemon weaken and the global leadership contest between China and the U;
  • The initiatives were always closely pursued in line with the main national objectives:

The research design intends to answer the question whether there has been a noticeable shift in the two countries' position on global climate policy and if so, whether this change coincides with a discursive movement away from the U.

Despite the impression that the selection of the cases is random, it is important to understand that both countries were chosen based on two major characteristics: How to Measure Climate Change Discourse? I race the positions of Brazil and Chile regarding global climate change policy with the help of discourse analysis.

However, to do so we must tackle two major challenges: In order to meet the first challenge in an efficient and productive way, the material selected for processing included the compilation of close to 2,500 documents, including both national and international press articles, official documents such as governmental conference publications, publications from international institutions, national official documents, laws, formal agreements, white papers, and a few academic papers 1.

Visions of China: The Nationalist Spirit in Chinese Political Cinema

The second challenge was met by selecting a discourse analysis approach that was congenial for the reconstruction of the countries' positions on the crisis issue, climate change, by identifying policy tendencies, political actions and formulations that later overlap with economic exchanges, leading to a comprehensive result. Unfortunately, these technologies still live in the shadows in terms of research in Political Science in general within Latin America, and in International Relations in particular.

  1. In terms of discursive changes, the inclusion of the multilateral level generated the most noticeable alignment of the two Latin American countries with China, highlighting cooperation and technology exchanges and linking discourses and actions in united fronts. At the same time it is wrong to judge art wholly through its participation in, or as an expression of, an integral transcendental formal idea, simply because various practical aspects of a particular art may not be transcendental at all.
  2. And it isn't just guns.
  3. Department of State, 2005.
  4. I do not pretend to establish a causal relationship by which deeper commercial and investment exchanges in and of themselves are responsible for changing foreign policy positions in Latin America.
  5. And it isn't just guns.

However, they provide the possibility to conduct research in an orderly, rapid, interconnected, and "ecofriendly" fashion. The process of systematization created a database that was easily quantifiable through the use of six analytical categories - also called determining parameters - that provided insights into relevant milestones in the policymaking process, such as new government policies and interests, and identified some events that shaped the development and relevance of the climate change perceptions and discourses in the international arena during the selected period.

Yet, it is undeniable that some natural disasters with nationwide and international effects, like Hurricane Katrina in the United States and the continued droughts and heavy rain falls in Latin America, have shaped the perceptions of the climate phenomenon, awarding government summits and conferences a sense of urgency regarding the establishment of efficient procedures or frameworks of action.

These six categories were also analyzed on two levels of relevance: Two stages were undertaken for the construction of the categories: Let us now consider the six categories in detail. Climate Change As evident and relevant as the term seems, it was selected in its pure discourse form-induced definition, including the use or recognition of the an examination of the symbiotic relationship that exist between chinese and american cinemas within or outside state action or policy initiatives, thus providing the possibility for a quantifiable use, acceptance or importance of the term in political discourses of state representatives.

Binding Framework A substantial and critical topic when addressing the climate change issue. The term includes early mentions of legal or political frameworks of interaction between the selected countries, as well as the signing, and enforcing of the Kyoto Protocol at the national and international level.

In later years, includes new policy initiatives seeking to establish regulatory frameworks; i. Gas Emissions In early texts, carbon dioxide emissions were considered the main climate deterioration cause. Later on, it was included in the larger concept of climate change as the first tangible and measurable representation. The consistent relevance of the concept makes it fundamental for the comprehension of the discursive evolution comprising all sorts of measures to ease climate change effects.

The term also includes related concepts such as greenhouse effect, global warming and pollution, inside or outside policy initiatives, or official statements on the subject. Cooperation, Finance and Technology Transfer Since 2003, new challenges have risen concerning the international character, the institutional foundations and cooperation targets and dynamics, not only between Brazil, Chile, China, and the United States but also concerning third-party participation and understandings.

The concept also takes account of some provisions or proposals for project-financing initiatives - a sensitive point - as well as the transfer of technology as a policy initiative or as a fundamental part of cooperative framework agreements supporting the actions of other less developed parties.

Role of States developed and developing A crucial issue in global climate change policy refers to defining or imposing a role to states according to their economic development level.

The four countries posed views regarding duties, responsibilities, and participation of actors according to their classification as developed or developing economies. The category rates the official political position of the countries on the subject. Shared Responsibility This category was built upon the findings produced during the second half of the last decade where the concept's use is a highly defining part of current management of reform initiatives the construction of future regulatory frameworks.

It also links directly with the characterization of the roles of the states, mentioned in category 5. Tracing the Climate Change Discourse between 2000 and 2009 After having briefly described the methodological context of the project, let us now turn to the analysis in detail, i. Which position do you play?

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As mentioned earlier, the opposing poles, China and the United States, provide the backdrop for the analysis. Brazil and Chile, in turn, are considered as countries that struggle to find a place between the two poles, including some wiggle room for proposing their own approach in the area of global climate change.

I study the dynamics of the discursive evolution along three distinct dimensions: Starting the Weather Change China 5 Before the 1990s, China pursued an inward-looking, ideology-driven strategy that relegated many global issues, including climate-related topics, strictly to the national interest sphere, leaving them off-limits for the international arena an examination of the symbiotic relationship that exist between chinese and american cinemas inducing a relatively scarce participation of the country in international forums.

This course of action only changed after the Tiananmen massacre in 1989, when the rejection of the international community forced China to formulate an open and participative strategy that included the governmental promotion of trade and investment as well as an increasingly active participation in international organizations and global debates Goldstein, 2001.

Ever since the 1980s, China has recognized the existence of climate and global environmental phenomena as well as the need to act upon it. The resulting discourse had two different approaches, first as a scientific development-based issue managed by the Chinese Meteorological Administration Office MAO Institute for Global Dialogue, 2011 following the guidelines of the Agenda 21 6 and later, in the second half of the 1990s, as a policy-building issue handled by the National Development and Reform Commission NDRC in close relation to the formulation of the energy policy Institute for Global Dialogue, 2011, p.

At the beginning of the 2000s, initiatives to join international efforts provided the foundation for the first cooperative agreements regarding the development of alternative energies, signed with Australia and some other developed countries, as well as a political commitment by ratifying the Kyoto Protocol in 2002.

As a result, China's discourse focused on the lacking response from industrialized countries regarding targeting the agreed commitments on reducing carbon dioxide emissions, pollution control practices and the development of mitigation strategies for other derivate effects of climate change, such as increasingly repeating droughts.

United States 7 In contrast to the Chinese position, the United States posed an open, active leadership, both nationally and internationally, promoting and engaging in actions that moderate the climate change effects. The Reagan and Clinton administrations were rather proactive regarding cooperation and supporting projects on environmental managing, thus contributing not only to develop mitigation strategies and research efforts, but also by providing financial support to countries' initiatives, most of them from Latin America.

At the beginning of the 2000s decade, the trend was radically altered when the Bush Jr. As a result of the latter, the official discourse on climate change was relegated from its active standpoint towards the background, generating a symbiotic relationship and almost synonymy between carbon dioxide emissions reduction and climate change. Department of State, 2005. During the three following decades, the country's main concern was directed at obtaining financial aid and political support from international sources, for instance cooperating with relevant countries, like the United States, and backing the establishment of international institutions that had the potential to become influential players in environmental policy formulation as the Kyoto Protocol.

The initiatives were always closely pursued in line with the main national objectives: During the first years of the 2000s, Lula's administration pursued an even greater effort to include the environmental and climate change issues into the national agenda, building a "more stringent system of law enforcement" Institute for Global Dialogue, 2011, p.

Chile 9 Before the 2000s, Chile managed a low political profile on environmental and climate change issues, participating in international conferences but focusing only on the weather effects on national disaster scenarios, or on the environmental implications of the industrialized production model.

The Final Weather Change China 10 By the end of the 2000s, China sets an example as a global actor with a successfully booming economy and as an international voice of developing countries' interests to achieve and maintain economic growth with sustainability.

This strategy includes a deep concern for the environment, a widespread use of alternative renewable energy sources, and a concern for the side effects of mass production such as global warming, increasing gas emissions, spreading pollution, temperature and sea level rising, extreme weather, natural resource shortage, and recurring natural disasters, etc.

China's friendlier relationship with Hollywood may not extend to loosening its quotas

Along these lines, China has emphasized three key elements in its political discourse on climate change, occasionally in contradiction to its real actions on the ground: The first element has been included in China's defense of developing countries' responsibility on climate change, highlighting the constraints that poor or less industrialized nations face when undertaking efforts to reduce climate change.

China often manages to pose as a champion for developing countries, although on occasions such as during the Copenhagen Summit 2009 it leaves a disturbing perception of antagonistic actions against the United States 11.

The second element describes China's desire for a more comprehensive and binding framework of action, including reasonable timeframes and clear and detailed commitments to address the different climate change causes and effects, agreeing not only to a global goal but to individual commitments of the signature countries. However, at the Copenhagen Summit, China was strongly inclined towards leniency for developing countries, showing zero tolerance for acknowledging developed countries' limitations.

Although the last element has been expressed by Chinese representatives at several opportunities, and is considered a pivotal stone supporting the binding framework's commitments, no definitive proposition has been presented by China, apart from sporadic references on establishing a "Green Fund", or the adoption of an international environmental tax devoted to finance efforts against negative climate change outcomes. Today, China's economic success and increasing political influence create difficulties for maintaining a coherent discourse regarding whether to present itself as a developing country of large proportions, or rather to restate its official position acknowledging the recently acquired status as a developed country 12.

United States 13 After 2009 the country's position has gradually introduced the phenomenon of climate change on the list of international political lobbying topics, acknowledging specific impacts to the environment - such as carbon dioxide emissions, temperature rising, and sea current shifts - thus supporting a less determinant position in the introduction of climate change as a relevant issue on the international agenda.

However, the United States' actions remain scarce and far from committing to any future binding framework, leading to a doubtful, irrelevant or ineffective discourse, reinforced by the retreat of Canada from the Kyoto Protocol after last year's progress evaluation and consecutive failure.

According to the United States' government, there is still a lot to be done from an individual country perspective, especially concerning the responsibility of developing countries, before being able to agree on an internationally binding framework that will be effective and results-oriented. It remains clear that the United States, although a relevant actor on the international scene, stays on the sidelines of the global climate change debate with a modest attitude. Instead, it aims at a fast response in bilateral understandings, treaties or cooperation agreements, focusing on addressing the phenomenon as a collateral damage of economic exchanges.

Such a scheme has been kept since the first half of the last decade and relates to the national discourse pursued by the respective administrations in which the means to address the effects of "climate instability" should come from the market and the national economic dynamics, as well as by a large field of scientific research projects 14.

Brazil 15 By 2009, Brazil has continued playing a relevant role in the international climate change debate, raising international awareness, promoting the consensus strategy in order to overcome the climate effects and working on its national objectives of sustainable growth and deforestation control by utilizing multilateral means, a legacy of the Lula administration.

Brazil's multilateral efforts to raise awareness of the climate change phenomena has included a cooperative exchange of its extensive work on national environmental problem-solving and sustainable development, translating in a series of agreements with both the governmental and the private sector, while continuously supporting the formulation of what was thought to be an extended Kyoto Protocol built upon a series of new commitments presented at international an examination of the symbiotic relationship that exist between chinese and american cinemas.

More recently, as a result of the failed attempts to extend the Kyoto Protocol and the successful practices as part of the BRICS group, Brazil co-founded the BASIC group, a states' association focused on accomplishing an unanimous acknowledgment of the "principle of shared but differentiated responsibilities", aimed to lead the formulation of an effective binding framework.

Likewise, Brazil stated its concern regarding the origin of financing resources before addressing any further commitment in the climate change arena.