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An introduction to the history of the region called the borderlands in the united states

Governments are now confronted with managing secure borders, a policy objective that, in this era of increased free trade and globalization, must compete with intense cross-border flows of people and goods. Border-security policies must enable security personnel to identify and filter out dangerous individuals and substances from among the millions of travellers and tons of goods that cross borders daily, particularly in large cross-border urban regions.

  • Border-security policies must enable security personnel to identify and filter out dangerous individuals and substances from among the millions of travellers and tons of goods that cross borders daily, particularly in large cross-border urban regions;
  • In this case, local political clout may be structuring the borderland more effectively than market forces or the multiple activities of governments;
  • The Rebordering of North America;
  • For them, as for other indigenous migrants in Mexico, the sale of traditional and tourist crafts has been an economic mainstay.

Currently, scholarship on borders, borderlands, and security is scarce, and the complexities and influence of borderlands on border-security policies are misunderstood.

Specifically, the chapters in this volume ask policy-makers to recognize that two fundamental elements define borders and borderlands: In short, in the face of increasing border security priorities, policy-makers have to recognize that the porosity of borders depends on the relative degree and form taken by human interaction across borders Brunet-Jailly 2005. It shows that when, for economic, cultural, or political reasons, human activities increase across a border and borderland, then governments need to increase their cooperation, collaboration, and co-production of security policies, if only to avoid implementing mismatched security policies.

Since the First World War, however, the international recognition of boundaries has not always been enough. In effect, the legacy of Woodrow Wilson — that national self-determination is an essential principle of political legitimacy — modified the founding principles of numerous states and concurrently suggested that boundaries, borders, and borderlands may be more fluid than was generally assumed.

Originally, scholars focused on the nature and purpose of borders, while presenting a great diversity of views.

  • Such governance processes lead diverse actors to either co-produce and co-implement policy regulations or co-deliver specific services; a good example would be security policy in Europe or North America Brunet-Jailly 2004b, 2006;
  • Not Quite a Binational City or Region;
  • Tires create stairs that lead up to hillside houses, and they are built into retaining walls that keep homes from sliding downhill.

Semple as cited in Minghi 1963for instance, suggested that ideal borders were natural geographic frontiers known for their scarcity of human settlements. Similarly, Holdich 1916 and Lyde 1915 suggested that there were good or bad borders. Holdich suggested that good borders were those that balanced economic tensions or lessened political difficulties between states. Spykman 1942 argued that it was not borders but borderlands that were central to geographic balances of power, while both Peattie 1944 and Jones 1959 suggested that borderlands or international organizations could reduce tensions.

This explains why, during the first part of the twentieth century, armies rehearsed for combat in borderland regions. However, the influence of this literature progressively vanished during the second half of the twentieth century, when changes in boundary functions, such as military or policing, were also recognized as important reasons for possible tensions across borderlands Jones 1959.

Clearly, the activities of states were viewed as having an impact on the nature of borders and borderlands. In the end their nature was the centre of attention, and from this emerged the belief that borders as institutions were results of complex interactions between multiple government policies, which were often back to back, not integrated, and, in most cases, had mismatched goals and priorities.

Clearly, mismatched policies occur when two central governments struggle to see their policy goals and decisions, first, implemented within intergovernmental networks by lower government levels province or state, county and local governmentsand, second, accepted by their contiguous neighbours.

An introduction to the history of the region called the borderlands in the united states

Some scholars see borders as institutional constructs; others see them as challenged by national communities, with or without political clout, or by market forces. The multiple activities of governments, the role of borderland cultures, the political clout of borderland communities, and the impact of market forces are thus the four strands that are now prominent in the social science literature that organizes debates among scholars on the nature of borders and borderlands Brunet-Jailly 2005; Chen 2005.

Each strand of research may suggest an analytical dimension of borders and borderlands that should be understood not as exclusively structural broad or exclusively agent-oriented focusing on individual action, agencybut rather as providing a historically variable expression of agent power. Concurrently, each research strand suggests that either culture, local political clout, market forces, or the multiple activities of governments may be variably structuring, where structure is understood as those social processes that contain individual action across borderland regions.

The following section details the literatures of those four strands of research. Some argue that borders result exclusively from the multiple activities of governments, where the domestic setting of two countries is central.

Hataley 2006for instance, argues that for the United States the border institution is about security, inclusion, and exclusion, and that security frames all border issues, whereas for Canada border issues primarily belong to the economic-policy arena; thus, for the two countries the structuring policies vary widely, despite certain parallelisms. The contemporary analysis of complex government activities includes references to policy networks, policy communities, and multi-level governance spanning borderlands Brunet-Jailly 2004a; Hataley 2006.

Marks 1993 and Marks and Hooghe 2001 originally argued that multi-level governance was not only both vertical and horizontal but also of two types: Their analysis of the traditional intergovernmental relations of the European Union EU is the best illustration of vertical governance as a process in which multiple levels of government interact to co-produce and co-implement policies. Such governance processes lead diverse actors to either co-produce and co-implement policy regulations or co-deliver specific services; a good example would be security policy in Europe or North America Brunet-Jailly 2004b, 2006.

Such policies result from complex, intermeshed networks of government policies and functions that interact to form international boundaries delineating sovereign spaces, as well as networks of security agencies straddling the boundary to co-produce border security.

Introduction: Borders, Borderlands, and Porosity

However, as shown by Villafuerte Solis in this volume, not all borders and borderlands experience the implementation of such security mechanisms. Thus, the multiple activities of governments should not be assumed to be systematically structuring and should be analyzed in context — in time and space — and in relation to borderland culture, market forces, and local politics.

This second strand of research makes the case that market forces have been credited for the emergence of a borderless world and the rise of economic regions, but this is not without controversy. Although the specific exigencies of flows of individuals, goods, or currencies are not yet fully understood, they clearly have significant implications for borders and borderlands.

Some economists argue that boundaries have a cost, while others argue, convincingly, that they are withering away due to increased amounts of global trade. Loesch equated borders with distances, that is, the marginal transportation cost necessary to cross the border, as do Engel and Rogers. John Helliwell 1998, 2002 underlines that borders matter because they run deep in the social and cultural underpinnings of social interactions. In other words, because Canadians are culturally Canadians they primarily interact with Canadians.

Contrary to those views is the argument that globalization — not only the increase in global trade and transaction of goods and labour or capital but also economic integration in Europe and North America — challenges states. Ohmae 1996, 11-12 and Chen 2005 have found that trade is the main driver behind the emergence of economic regions, some of which are cross-border regions.

Ohmae explains that an economic region emerges out of a culturally homogeneous borderland region, where both culture and trade are structuring the borderland. Clearly, what is central to this debate is the acknowledgement that global market forces and economic integration are reshaping the relationship between markets and politics in borderland regions. This, in turn, is important for border-security matters because the assumption that free trade and globalization are systematically structuring borders and borderlands is true only relative to other structuring forces, such as government policy objectives.

This literature suggests that certain communities actually enhance the border effect because they have no interaction with one another. Clearly, when culture differentiates, it enhances the border effect.

  • They argue that these changes are conducive to new policy goals, which reflect the cooperative nature of the peoples of the Arctic region and which include greater circumpolar cooperation with indigenous peoples, and with local governments and organizations;
  • Start studying us history 161 ch 12what happened to most irish immigrants who arrived in the united states in 20why were mexico's northern borderlands;
  • Of course, this is more easily achieved in the Festival of American Folklife program, where citizens of the border region speak and perform for themselves and their communities;
  • Indeed, the literature on nations has shown that national borderland communities present an important challenge to borders in both Europe and North America;
  • As Maricela Gonzalez describes in her article, Chinese managers and laborers established residence in the towns of Mexicali and Calexico at the beginning of the twentieth century.

In contrast, when culture bridges a borderland region, it challenges the border as a filtering or dividing device and weakens the border effect. Culture and cultural communities are therefore able to challenge or even undermine an international border when their cultures cross over, that is, when their language, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status and their place of belonging bridge the border Reitel et al.

Indeed, the literature on nations has shown that national borderland communities present an important challenge to borders in both Europe and North America. Other works are strong reminders that multinational communities are historically recent and that multiculturalism is a relatively new phenomenon Taylor 1983.

Borderlands

There is a vast literature by historians, geographers, anthropologists, and economists that points to borderland communities as cultural communities and organized polities Brown 2001; DePalma 2001; Dobell and Neufield 1994; Meinhof 2004; Pavlakovich-Kochi, Morehouse, and Wastl-Walter 2004.

However, the relative influence of their claims and the relative sense of belonging to a larger state are still debatable Newman and Paasi 1998; Paasi 1999. A large scholarship describes how local actors and local communities are crossing borders and weakening the sovereign integrity of states, due either to economic need or to an ethnic, social, or religious sense of belonging.

It may be that culture is structuring borders and borderlands more effectively than market forces or the multiple activities of governments. In this volume, Tony Payan and Amanda Vasquez, as well as Melissa Gauthier, suggest that both market forces and shared culture are defeating the border-security policies of the United States and Mexico.

The cultural influence of borderland communities, however, seems to depend on a central characteristic, namely, their political clout, which is understood as local political activism and organizational capacity. Underpinning this political clout is the existence of either tensions or strong linkages straddling the border. The literature documents two broad categories of case studies of cross-border communities that demonstrate either cooperation or tension.

Some of these thrive while developing linkages and others either ignore each other or deal with ongoing tensions. There are few examples of borderland communities that have developed institutions spanning an international border Brunet-Jailly 2004abut there are many instances of contiguous borderland communities that have established linkages. In such cases the literature documents local tensions with the central-state level Hansen 1984; Lunden and Zalamans 2001 ; local divergence of views across the border, despite the influence of higherlevel governments Mattiesen and Burkner 2001 ; local multicultural tensions and wide binational differences, despite shared infrastructures Bucken-Knapp 2001 ; and local tensions or an absence of sociopolitical relations, despite strong economic linkages Brunet-Jailly 2004a; Sparrow 2001.

Susan Clarkes 2000 has demonstrated the existence of policy networks and large interest-focused communities such as scientific and policy-focused communities in the environmental policy arena across the Canada-US border linking Vancouver, British Columbia, and Seattle, Washington. Brunet-Jailly 2004a and Perkman 2005 have described institutions spanning the border in Enshede and Gronau a large and well-institutionalized borderland community with its own parliament and bureaucracy, serving about 149 municipalities and districts in the EU.

In this case, local political clout may be structuring the borderland more effectively than market forces or the multiple activities of governments. In this volume, the ethnographic work of Julie Murphy Erfani on the Arizona-Sonora border and the Guatemalan case discussed by Daniel Villafuerte Solis corroborate the structuring influence of local political clout in border-security matters.

Indeed, borders and borderlands are at the junctures of human cultural, political, and economic activities, and emulate the tremendous security challenges currently facing central governments and agencies. Thus it should come as no surprise that most of the research on border security concludes that border-security policies are mostly unsuccessful Andreas 2000; Andreas and Biersteker 2003; Andreas and Snyder 2000.

Peter Andreas 2003 argues that we may be witnessing a policy paradigm shift from military to economic to border policing, each linked to a specific historical path, first of demilitarization, then economic liberalization, and now criminalization of border policies.

Clearly, the study of borders and borderlands requires more than the partial explanations currently available to explain the relative porosity of borders. It assumes that the human agency aspect of borderlands sets up a critically important environment for border-security policies. First, its aim is to illustrate the border porosity that results when governments overlook such critical factors as market forces, local culture, and the political clout of borderland communities. It also aims to illustrate that, in most instances, central-government agencies and their intergovernmental partners are poorly informed about a critical factor, namely, the policies and policy goals of the multitude of governments that actively enforce border security, hence contributing to a porous mismatch of security policies.

Border Region in Transition BRITa primarily European network of researchers; and the Association of Borderland Studies ABSwhich originated in the United States with scholars interested in the southwestern region of North America but has since grown to include a large number of scholars in other countries. This book brings together the work of several border scholars, in both Europe and North America, who are currently researching the impact of border-security policies on borders and borderlands.

At the workshop, about twenty scholars discussed the current implications of the new security measures on borders and borderlands. In other words, from a conceptual perspective, there is an agency-structure dilemma in the analysis of borders and borderlands, and the success of security depends primarily on the appropriate assessment of human agency across borders and borderland regions.

Theory of Borderland Studies Agrandir Original jpeg, 229k 27The authors of this volume shared two overall goals: The European Commission calls upon the transportation sector to meet high-compliance requirements. Clochard and Dupeyron argue that these policies exemplify the increasing exportation of EU border policing to adjacent countries and suggests that, in the face of massive immigration flow, the structural success of border-security policies requires the collaboration of neighbouring governments.

The author has discovered that, while increased central-government controls galvanize social networks, anti-migrant activists have effectively blocked the emergence of an integrated cross-border security policy.

Murphy Erfani concludes that local culture and local political clout have significantly reduced the effectiveness of a border-security policy, and that there are strong and integrating local market forces. The author suggests that the relative structuring effect of this border-security policy is key to understanding the negotiated fortification of each an introduction to the history of the region called the borderlands in the united states these border towns. Gauthier details the tug of war between such illicit networks, which are culturally and socioeconomically part of the borderland economy, and increased border-security policies.

This competition underlines the structuring precedence of the borderland culture, which increased security does not sway. Because those market flows are rooted in the local borderland culture and local political clout of El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, their permanence remains the most convincing evidence that the border-security policies are unsuccessful.

The authors have found that Arctic security agencies, which have traditionally focused on issues of military geopolitical security, now also deal with human and environmental security. They argue that these changes are conducive to new policy goals, which reflect the cooperative nature of the peoples of the Arctic region and which include greater circumpolar cooperation with indigenous peoples, and with local governments and organizations.

Heininen and Nicol conclude that, in debates regarding Arctic borderlands, borderland cultures and political clout are increasingly structuring.

He also argues that only increased consultation with borderland communities can increase security. In other words, although the structuring effect of US government policy is relative to the influence of border agency, border security also depends upon the active participation of a multitude of levels of government, which requires the participation of local communities. They draw a parallel between the cost efficiency of the security policy and the scholarly debate regarding agency and structure in order to argue that imposing border security is both highly ineffective and extremely costly, and that, in the end, illegal agents, including those that traffic in illegal migrants or drugs, adapt to new government policies.

Indeed, border-security policies come into direct conflict on the US-Mexico border because they oppose the US security priority with the Mexican migratory priority. Ramos suggests that the Canada-US border experiment is an example of better collaboration.

He also suggests that a tug-of-war is taking place between winning market forces and unsuccessful policy activities of multiple levels of government on the US-Mexico border. He emphasizes that, despite a growing opposition among some Canadians, the Canadian government has enacted legislation, such as the Smart Border Agreement, in accordance with US expectations. Smith proposes that such negotiated convergence may be perceived as the emergence of new forms of continental governance.

Thus the Canada-US model of border security cooperation may not only strengthen the structuring effect of government policy in the borderland but also be more secure because it results from increasing convergence and a common security goal.

Since the signature of NAFTA the southern Mexican borderland has been progressively transformed into a buffer zone that no government can control effectively. In the southern regions the Mexican military deals with political uprisings in the province of Chiapas, as well as unmanageable flows of migrants now linked to networks of criminal organizations that feed off poverty and social exclusion.

Villafuerte Solis argues that policy-makers should implement economic development policies in these borderland regions that will reduce the labour flows linking the southern and northern Americas.